- Coclanis, Peter A. 2013. "Terror in Burma: Buddhists vs. Muslims" World Affairs 176, no. 4: 25-34.http://www.worldaffairsjournal.org/article/terror-burma-buddhists-vs-muslims
- Taylor, Robert H. "Myanmar's 'pivot' toward the shibboleth of 'democracy'." Asian Affairs 44, no. 3 (2013): 392-400.
DOI: 10.1080/03068374.2013.826014
The recent reforms in Myanmar were not brought about by Western sanctions or some contingent event, but rather planned well in advance,. For there is more continuity than change in Myanmar's political system, which is dominated by the practitioners of national power-the army and the bureaucracy. Of course there are new actors, principally Aung San Suu Kyi and the party she leads, the NLD. Yet the reality remains: state security has to be maintained. Rebalancing with ASEAN, India and now the West is helpful in terms of independence vis a vis China. This is not an invitation to the West to attempt to subvert the existing order.
- Franco, Joseph Raymond Silva. 2013. "Malaysia: Unsung Hero of the Philippine Peace Process." Asian Security no. 9 (3):211-230.
doi: 10.1080/14799855.2013.832210.
The October 2012 Framework Agreement on the Bangsamoro between the Philippines and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front was a milestone in the peace negotiations. Attributing this success solely to Philippine President Benigno Aquino III's popularity fails to account for Malaysia's peace facilitation. Keeping the talks on track appeared counterintuitive as Filipino public opinion often cast Malaysia as a dishonest broker. Contrary to popular belief, Kuala Lumpur's foreign policy eschewed support for Moro secession. More importantly, the effectiveness of the Malaysian-led International Monitoring Team as a peacekeeping force fostered peace in communities. This article illustrates how mediation and local-level peace can trump national-level rhetoric.
- Kuik, Cheng-Chwee. 2013. "Malaysia's US Policy Under Najib: Structural and Domestic Sources of a Small State's Strategy." Asian Security no. 9 (3):143-164.
doi: 10.1080/14799855.2013.832211.
This article explains Malaysia's US policy under Prime Minister Najib. It argues that to the extent that there is a "shift" in Malaysia's policy, its substance has been shaped by structural and domestic considerations. Structurally, in the face of a fast rising China, Malaysia is compelled to keep a more balanced relationship with all the major powers. This structural push, reinforced by Obama's "pivot," has been nonetheless limited by a concern about the risks of entrapment, abandonment, and antagonism. Domestically, there are economic and political motivations to develop closer ties with Washington. These, however, have been counteracted by a calculation of not wanting to align too closely with America. These structural and domestic determinants together
- Strating, Rebecca. 2013. "East Timor's Emerging National Security Agenda: Establishing "Real" Independence." Asian Security no. 9 (3):185-210.
doi: 10.1080/14799855.2013.832212.
This article focuses on the steps East Timor has taken to bolster its defense sector following its attainment of independence in 2002. In International Relations, scholars have often argued that the ability to defend territory and population from external threat is an essential component of sovereign statehood. Literature on post-colonial sovereignty, however, suggests that the external sovereignty of "weak" post-colonial states is more likely to be protected through international legal recognition. In recent years, East Timor has sought to develop their defense capacities in line with conventional thinking about security and "real" independence. This influences the foreign relations of East Timor and also has broader implications for understanding security and independence in post-colonial states.
- Moxham, Christopher, and Miriam Grant. "Passive revolution: A church‐military partnership in the Philippines." Singapore Journal of Tropical Geography 34, no. 3 (2013): 307-321.
DOI: 10.1111/sjtg.12039
In the Philippines, a Catholic social movement for local development and broad structural transformation, referred to as Basic Ecclesial Communities, offers a counter-narrative to state development. Predicated on the power of networked local groups, the Diocese of San Carlos has taken the original concept and rescaled it, operating a variety of social-action programmes at the diocese level. The focus of this paper is a unique partnership between the diocese and the Armed Forces of the Philippines, which has produced a number of measurable positive changes in under-serviced areas. We remain uncertain, however, about the extent to which the church is cooperating with, or being co-opted by, the military as it enters into partnership, and many members of the clergy share our scepticism. In this paper we draw upon Gramsci's concept of passive revolution (1971) as a means to conceptualize both the efforts of the church to reform society from within, and the reaffirmation of the hegemonic discourse that seems inevitable.
- Slater, Dan, and Erica Simmons. 2013. "Coping by Colluding: Political Uncertainty and Promiscuous Powersharing in Indonesia and Bolivia." Comparative Political Studies no. 46 (11):1366-1393.
doi: 10.1177/0010414012453447.
Democracy forces political elites to compete for power in elections, but it also often presses them to share power after the electoral dust has settled. At times these powersharing arrangements prove so encompassing as to make a mockery of putative partisan differences, and even to wipe out political opposition entirely by bringing every significant party into a "party cartel." Such promiscuous powersharing arrangements undermine representation by loosening parties' commitments to their core constituents, and threaten accountability by limiting voters' capacity to remove parties from power via the ballot box. In the otherwise deeply disparate cases of Indonesia and Bolivia, the origins of promiscuous powersharing can be traced to similar periods of high political uncertainty surrounding crisis-wracked transitions to democracy. Party elites coped with the uncertainties of transition and crisis by sharing executive power across the country's most salient political cleavages. These arrangements forged an elitist equilibrium grounded in informal norms and networks, allowing collusive democracy to outlast the uncertain crisis conditions in which it was forged. Yet they have ultimately proven self-undermining by triggering distinctive popular backlashes, returning both countries to the political uncertainty that promiscuous powersharing was initially intended to alleviate.
- Mehta, Aashish, and Wei Sun. "Does Industry Affiliation Influence Wages? Evidence from Indonesia and the Asian Financial Crisis." World Development 51 (2013): 47-61.
http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2013.05.006
We exploit panel data and large, abrupt, and unusual dislocations of Indonesian workers in the wake of the Asian Financial Crisis to investigate the robustness and persistence of inter-industry wage differentials (IWDs). Unobserved worker characteristics explain 36% of IWDs. IWDs persist through the post-crisis decade, although, consistent with a rent-sharing explanation, they shift alongside sectors' terms of trade in the wake of the crisis. Agriculture pays a wage penalty, and manufacturing offers a statistically significant but small premium. Most IWDs do not seem to be driven by minimum wage laws, worker monitoring costs, the disagreeability of the work, job-specific skills, industry-specific human capital, nonwage benefits, or contracting terms.
- Hassan, Ibn-E., and Noraini Abu Talib. "Engaging Diasporas: a Fledgling Role of Cluster Organizations." Journal of International Migration and Integration (2012): 1-14.
DOI: 10.1007/s12134-012-0261-5
Malaysia is probably one of the most notable countries in Asia affected by the talent mobility. In spite of important implications of the emigration, this issue is not given the due deliberations. Diaspora has taken a central role in the recent talent management policies of Malaysia. A large number of East Asian economies have benefited from the diaspora employed in the large North American and European clusters. This paper highlights the structural obstacles inhibiting brain circulation in Malaysian context. In the light of the review of successful diaspora stories of China, India, Korea, Philippines, and Taiwan, it elaborates what potential role Malaysia's diaspora can play in the national development. It is suggested that apart from the national level policies, the industrial cluster organizations can assume the role of networking with Malaysian diaspora abroad in order to leverage their skills, contacts, and finances for cluster challenges.
- Harper, Tim. "Singapore, 1915, and the Birth of the Asian Underground." Modern Asian Studies 47, no. 06 (2013): 1782-1811.
http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0026749X1300036X
This paper examines the 1915 Singapore Mutiny within the context of border-crossing patriotic and anarchist movements in the early twentieth century world. It traces some of the continuities and discontinuities with later revolutionary movements in Asia, especially in terms of networks and the sites of their interactions. Through this, it reflects on the meaning of the 'transnational' at this moment in Asian history.
- Lee, Kam Hing. "A Neglected Story: Christian missionaries, Chinese New Villagers, and Communists in the Battle for the 'hearts and minds' in Malaya, 1948–1960." Modern Asian Studies, 47, pp 1977-2006.
doi:10.1017/S0026749X12000741.
During the Malayan Emergency (1948–1960), the colonial authorities resettled an estimated half a million rural dwellers, mainly Chinese, from the fringe of the jungle, to cut them off from contact with armed members of the Malayan Communist Party. The re-location led to political alienation among many resettled in the nearly 500 New Villages. Winning their support against the insurgency therefore was urgent. At this juncture, foreign missionaries were forced to leave China following the communist takeover in October 1949. Many of these missionaries were Chinese-speaking with medical or teaching experience. The High Commissioner of Malaya, Sir Henry Gurney, and his successor, Sir Gerald Templer, invited these and other missionaries to serve in the New Villages. This paper looks at colonial initiatives and mission response amidst the dynamics of domestic politics and a changing international balance of power in the region.
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