- Chan, Ying-kit. "Allegories of Venice: Singapore’s Vague Concept of a Global City." East Asia (2013): 1-19. doi:10.1007/s12140-013-9199-2, http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12140-013-9199-2.
This paper argues that although the state elites of Singapore use “Venice” as an image to legitimate the People’s Action Party’s continuous rule and unpopular immigration policies, the image has both empowered and constrained the state. To the state, Venice serves as a keyword that conjures up dynamism, progress, and continuity; to its critics, however, Venice signals the state’s willingness to focus on the intangible elements of nationhood, namely culture and the arts. These critics use the ambiguities of the Venice rhetoric to legitimate their own appeals for change, especially after discovering that the “shared vision” of Venice is mainly in economic terms. By so doing, detractors of the state contest the centrality of economics in the making of modern—and future—Singapore, rendering the use of “Venice” as an image to promote the concept of a Global City problematic.
- Urata, Shujiro. "Constructing and Multilateralizing the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership: An Asian Perspective." ADBI Working Paper, no. 449 (2013).
http://www.adbi.org/working-paper/2013/12/02/6016.regional.economic.partnership.asia/
In May 2013 the ASEAN+6 countries began to negotiate the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP). The objective of this paper is to analyze the feasibility of constructing such a region-wide agreement and to examine ways to multilateralize it. The paper first reviews free trade agreement (FTA) developments, and discusses the characteristics and motives of FTAs in East Asia. It then analyzes the contents of major plurilateral FTAs in East Asia, that is ASEAN's five FTAs each with the People's Republic of China, Japan, the Republic of Korea, India, and Australia/New Zealand, which are considered as a base for a region-wide FTA. Finally, the paper examines the feasibility of the RCEP by consolidating the ASEAN+1 FTAs and discusses the possible ways to multilateralize the RCEP.
- TIM HARPER (2013). Singapore, 1915, and the Birth of the Asian Underground. Modern Asian Studies, 47, pp 1782-1811.
doi:10.1017/S0026749X1300036X.
This paper examines the 1915 Singapore Mutiny within the context of border-crossing patriotic and anarchist movements in the early twentieth century world. It traces some of the continuities and discontinuities with later revolutionary movements in Asia, especially in terms of networks and the sites of their interactions. Through this, it reflects on the meaning of the ‘transnational’ at this moment in Asian history.
- LEE KAM HING (2013). A Neglected Story: Christian missionaries, Chinese New Villagers, and Communists in the Battle for the ‘hearts and minds’ in Malaya, 1948–1960. Modern Asian Studies, 47, pp 1977-2006.
doi:10.1017/S0026749X12000741.
During the Malayan Emergency (1948–1960), the colonial authorities resettled an estimated half a million rural dwellers, mainly Chinese, from the fringe of the jungle, to cut them off from contact with armed members of the Malayan Communist Party. The re-location led to political alienation among many resettled in the nearly 500 New Villages. Winning their support against the insurgency therefore was urgent. At this juncture, foreign missionaries were forced to leave China following the communist takeover in October 1949. Many of these missionaries were Chinese-speaking with medical or teaching experience. The High Commissioner of Malaya, Sir Henry Gurney, and his successor, Sir Gerald Templer, invited these and other missionaries to serve in the New Villages. This paper looks at colonial initiatives and mission response amidst the dynamics of domestic politics and a changing international balance of power in the region.
- Tavishi Bhasin, Jennifer Gandhi, Timing and targeting of state repression in authoritarian elections, Electoral Studies, Volume 32, Issue 4, December 2013, Pages 620-631, ISSN 0261-3794,
http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2013.07.011.
(http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S026137941300111X)
Autocrats face a fundamental tension: how to make elections appear credible (maintaining legitimacy) without losing control over outcomes (losing power). In this context, we claim that incumbents choose the timing and targets of state repression strategically. We expect that before elections, regimes will moderate their use of violence against ordinary citizens, while simultaneously directing state-sponsored repression towards opposition elites. Ordinary citizens are likely to experience greater repression after the election. We test these expectations using unique events-based repression data, conducting cross-national analysis of all presidential elections in authoritarian regimes from 1990 to 2008 to understand the timing and targeting of repression around elections under authoritarian regimes. In keeping with our expectations, we find that in the months prior and during the election, opposition leaders experience greater rates of repression than voters. We suspect that incumbents find it more effective to repress electoral challengers, since these pose a direct threat to their victory. Conversely, incumbents resist repressing voters whose support they need at the polls to win and to legitimize the election itself.
- Netina Tan, Manipulating electoral laws in Singapore, Electoral Studies, Volume 32, Issue 4, December 2013, Pages 632-643, ISSN 0261-3794,
http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2013.07.014. (http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0261379413001145)
The literature on electoral authoritarianism has drawn attention to the use of democratic electoral institutions for undemocratic gains. This paper adds to this body of work by showing how a sophisticated hegemonic party in Singapore manipulated its majoritarian electoral system to “manufacture” its legislative supermajority. By measuring the psychological and mechanical effects of the altered electoral system in Singapore, it shows how changes in the rules of the game boosted the incumbent's legislative dominance despite its declining vote shares in the late 1980s. It also offers new evidence to show how electoral manipulation create an uneven playing field with institutional constraints that penalize smaller parties and benefit the ruling, larger party.
- Farazmand, Ali. "Governance in the Age of Globalization: Challenges and Opportunities for South and Southeast Asia." [In English]. Public Organization Review (2013): 1-15.
Abstract
This article addresses governance in the age of globalization, the confusion over the meanings of governance, and the flaws of 'good governance,' while offering a novel theory of 'sound governance' with many elements or dimensions. It also discusses the implications, challenges, and opportunities for governance and administration in South and South East nations in a rapidly changing world of predatory globalization, and suggests strategies for coping with and managing global pressures while practicing sound governance at home.
This article addresses governance in the age of globalization, the confusion over the meanings of governance, and the flaws of 'good governance,' while offering a novel theory of 'sound governance' with many elements or dimensions. It also discusses the implications, challenges, and opportunities for governance and administration in South and South East nations in a rapidly changing world of predatory globalization, and suggests strategies for coping with and managing global pressures while practicing sound governance at home.
- Haque, M. Shamsul. "Globalization, State Formation, and Reinvention in Public Governance: Exploring the Linkages and Patterns in Southeast Asia." Public Organization Review (2013): 1-16.
DOI 10.1007/s11115-013-0258-3
While the existing studies on globalization widely cover the realms of economy, politics, society, and culture, the discourse is hardly extended to the domain of public governance. Although there are studies on the globalization or cross-national convergence of contemporary neoliberal models of governance – that is, the New Public Management (NPM) model and its revisionist post-NPM alternatives – there is a relative lack of research on how the globalization phenomenon itself has been a major cause of the emergence of such a neoliberal public sector management. In explaining the main causes of these neoliberal reinventions, most scholars highlight issues like fiscal crisis, state failure, and public sector inefficiency. They rarely consider how the dominant actors of globalization may constitute a major force causing the recent neoliberal transformation of the state and market-led reinvention in state policies and management. This article explicates these linkages – between globalization, state formation, and public sector reform – with specific reference to Southeast Asia.
- Jamil, Ishtiaq, Salahuddin M. Aminuzzaman, and Sk Tawfique M. Haque. "Introduction: Governance in South, Southeast, and East Asia." Public Organization Review (2013): 1-7.
DOI 10.1007/s11115-013-0256-5
Abstract
This special issue explores and analyzes governance and policy issues in South, Southeast, and East Asia. 1 The nine papers in this issue were presented at a similarly titled conference in Dhaka, Bangladesh in 2012. 2 The authors map governance challenges and analyze its current trends from the perspectives of politics and administration. Public administration and governance systems in these regions have witnessed some phenomenal changes during the last three decades and have played a key role in the economic progress, especially in the Southeast and East Asian nations. Rich with evidence and analyses, these papers use empirical and other research methods to examine contemporary best- practice paradigms. Their additional aim is to develop the understanding of changes in the forms of governance, both within the national context and in a comparative perspective. The regions of South, Southeast, and East Asia contain enormous geographical, cultural, religious, and ethnic variation. They are also "diverse in political and constitutional systems and their performance in managing the economy is uneven" (Haque 2001:1290). Some countries in Southeast and East Asia may already qualify as developed nations, but most of South Asia is beset with poor governance, lack of rule of law, and widespread corruption. This is the case despite these countries, in the last decade or so, witnessing steady and impressive economic growth. In the context of governance, the huge differences in the South, Southeast, and East Asian countries reflect the countries' unique cultures, history, demography and geography, political development, and economic growth (Cheung 2011:139). Even within the regions, we observe huge variations of governance and its practice. The papers in this volume cover a number of these issues but do not cover all aspects of governance and all countries in South, Southeast, and East Asia.
This special issue explores and analyzes governance and policy issues in South, Southeast, and East Asia. 1 The nine papers in this issue were presented at a similarly titled conference in Dhaka, Bangladesh in 2012. 2 The authors map governance challenges and analyze its current trends from the perspectives of politics and administration. Public administration and governance systems in these regions have witnessed some phenomenal changes during the last three decades and have played a key role in the economic progress, especially in the Southeast and East Asian nations. Rich with evidence and analyses, these papers use empirical and other research methods to examine contemporary best- practice paradigms. Their additional aim is to develop the understanding of changes in the forms of governance, both within the national context and in a comparative perspective. The regions of South, Southeast, and East Asia contain enormous geographical, cultural, religious, and ethnic variation. They are also "diverse in political and constitutional systems and their performance in managing the economy is uneven" (Haque 2001:1290). Some countries in Southeast and East Asia may already qualify as developed nations, but most of South Asia is beset with poor governance, lack of rule of law, and widespread corruption. This is the case despite these countries, in the last decade or so, witnessing steady and impressive economic growth. In the context of governance, the huge differences in the South, Southeast, and East Asian countries reflect the countries' unique cultures, history, demography and geography, political development, and economic growth (Cheung 2011:139). Even within the regions, we observe huge variations of governance and its practice. The papers in this volume cover a number of these issues but do not cover all aspects of governance and all countries in South, Southeast, and East Asia.
- Tsujinaka, Yutaka, Shakil Ahmed, and Yohei Kobashi. "Constructing Co-Governance between Government and Civil Society: An Institutional Approach to Collaboration." Public Organization Review (2013): 1-16.
DOI 10.1007/s11115-013-0260-9
Abstract
The aim of this paper is to analyze how civil society organizations (CSOs) collaborate with both developed and developing governments in Asia through institutional processes. It argues that in developed countries, institutional arrangements have a positive impact on collaboration. Favourable administrative governance can create collaboration between governments and CSOs. This paper reports on 3,944 studies of CSOs from 2004 to 2009 in Tokyo, Seoul, Manila, and Dhaka. CSOs in Tokyo have better combined collaborative and institutional processes than those in the other three cities. Governance in Seoul is more polarized than in the other cities, and in both Manila and Dhaka, despite there being a high degree of institutionalized relations between CSOs and the government, their collaboration is low. This research also finds that intermediary institutions between governments and CSOs play a role in co-governance.
The aim of this paper is to analyze how civil society organizations (CSOs) collaborate with both developed and developing governments in Asia through institutional processes. It argues that in developed countries, institutional arrangements have a positive impact on collaboration. Favourable administrative governance can create collaboration between governments and CSOs. This paper reports on 3,944 studies of CSOs from 2004 to 2009 in Tokyo, Seoul, Manila, and Dhaka. CSOs in Tokyo have better combined collaborative and institutional processes than those in the other three cities. Governance in Seoul is more polarized than in the other cities, and in both Manila and Dhaka, despite there being a high degree of institutionalized relations between CSOs and the government, their collaboration is low. This research also finds that intermediary institutions between governments and CSOs play a role in co-governance.
- Nesheim, Ingrid, Pytrik Reidsma, Irina Bezlepkina, René Verburg, Mohamed Arbi Abdeladhim, Marcel Bursztyn, Le Chen et al. "Causal chains, policy trade offs and sustainability: Analysing land (mis) use in seven countries in the South." Land Use Policy 37 (2014): 60-70.DOI: 10.1016/j.landusepol.2012.04.024
The need to enhance sustainable development of land use is more urgent than ever; specifically in developing countries where poverty and land degradation are often interlinked. To promote a common understanding of land use problems by experts, stakeholders and decision makers, it is essential to understand the system characteristics, including the complex feedbacks between drivers and impacts. To enhance sustainable development, appropriate policies need to be identified. In this paper, we analysed and compared seven case studies in Kenya, Mali, Tunisia, China, India, Indonesia and Brazil, representing different biophysical and socio-economic conditions and challenges. We analysed Driver Pressure State Impact Response (DPSIR) story lines of the land use problems, policy priorities and value trade-offs as identified by stakeholders and experts in National Policy Forums. Important drivers of land use change impacting main land use problems among the case studies were economic growth, technological development, immigration and agricultural intensification, in addition to existing policies. Of the latter the most important were related to domestic support through various forms of subsidies or access to credit, land tenure polices and liberalization policies. In the policy prioritization, the value trade-offs made by the National Policy Forums emphasize the environment rather than increased economic production. It is recognized that the environment needs to be improved to maintain and improve economic production in the long term, both in agriculture and in other sectors. © 2012 Elsevier Ltd.
- McNeill, Desmond, Marcel Bursztyn, Nina Novira, Seema Purushothaman, René Verburg, and Saulo Rodrigues-Filho. "Taking account of governance: The challenge for land-use planning models." Land Use Policy 37 (2014): 6-13.DOI: 10.1016/j.landusepol.2012.09.006
It is widely recognised that weak governance is a major constraint in planning for sustainable development, especially in the South. Sophisticated models that have been developed for assessing the likely effect of selected policies on land-use, and on sustainable development more generally, increasingly acknowledge this; but they do not include methods for taking this into account, in quantitative terms - which is what is necessary if such models are to be applied in practice. This paper begins by identifying the limitations of standard models in this respect, and then suggests a possible way to respond to the problem. We propose the use of what we call '. policy specific governance indicators', that is, indicators not of general government performance across the board, but rather of the actual performance of particular policies - or, if necessary, suitable proxies derived from similar policies. By reference to a case study from Brazil concerning controls on deforestation, we show how this can be done in practice, and built in to the planning model. And by reference to studies from Indonesia and India we explore how one might address still more challenging cases that may arise. © 2012 Elsevier Ltd.
- Haughton, Jonathan, and Shahidur R. Khandker. "The Surprising Effects of the Great Recession: Losers and Winners in Thailand in 2008–09." World Development 56 (2014): 77-92.
DOI: 10.1016/j.worlddev.2013.10.018
The "great recession" of 2008-09 affected Thailand significantly, reducing exports by 19% and tourist arrivals by 14%. Yet monthly survey data show, after controlling for household variables, that real consumption per capita rose in 2009 relative to 2008 for most groups, including the poor, and urban and rural households. Losers included some residents of Bangkok, especially those aged 20-29. Nationally, school enrollment rates did not fall, and durables purchases rose. A simulation exercise based on the drop in GDP would have missed these effects. Hence the importance of country-specific policy analysis, rooted in timely local evidence. © 2013 Elsevier Ltd.
- Gunawan, Janti, and Elizabeth L. Rose. "Absorptive capacity development in Indonesian exporting firms: How do institutions matter?." International Business Review 23, no. 1 (2014): 45-54.
DOI: 10.5614/j.math.fund.sci.2013.45.1.2
This paper addresses how firms from an emerging market characterized by a challenging and variable institutional environment learn about internationalizing. Building on the organizational learning and institutional literatures, and the concept of absorptive capacity (AC), and using a sample of Indonesian manufacturing-sector exporters we identify two dimensions of internationalization-related AC: international market and international strategic operation. Unlike previous literature, we find that indirect, or second-hand, experience contributes more than the firm's own experience to the development of international market AC. Furthermore, the second-hand experience feeds Indonesian manufacturing exporters' learning in both positive (e.g., buyers) and negative (e.g., suppliers and foreign multinationals in Indonesia) ways. In contrast, the development of international operation strategy AC appears to be driven internally, with minimal contribution from either first- or second-hand experience. We posit that these outcomes are influenced by the rapid and substantial changes in the domestic institutional environment faced by the Indonesian manufacturers.
- Meyer, Klaus E., and Htwe Htwe Thein. "Business under adverse home country institutions: The case of international sanctions against Myanmar." Journal of World Business (2013).
DOI: 10.1016/j.jwb.2013.04.005
We expand the institutional perspective of international business by exploring the range of institutions outside the host country that influence international business. We use a critical case, Myanmar, to explore the dynamics of institutional constraints and the reaction of business to such constraints. Our in-depth case analysis focuses on four industries for the period 1996-2011. On this basis, we develop the concept of 'low profile strategy' and propose a conceptual framework of home country pressures influencing multinational enterprises' international operation, and the variation of their impact across industries and firms. This framework provides a foundation for future work on the extra-territorial effects of institutions in international business. © 2013 Elsevier Inc.
- Zhu, Hui-Ming, Rong Li, and Sufang Li. "Modelling dynamic dependence between crude oil prices and Asia-Pacific stock market returns." International Review of Economics & Finance (2013).DOI: 10.1016/j.iref.2013.05.015
This paper investigates the dynamic dependence between crude oil prices and stock markets in ten countries across the Asia-Pacific region during the period from January 4, 2000 to March 30, 2012 by using unconditional and conditional copula models. The model is implemented using an AR (p)-GARCH (1, 1)-t model for the marginal distributions and constant and time-varying copulas for the joint distribution. The results show that the dependence between crude oil prices and Asia-Pacific stock market returns is generally weak, that it was positive before the global financial crisis, except in Hong Kong, and that it increased significantly in the aftermath of the crisis. The lower tail dependence between oil prices and Asia-Pacific stock markets exceeds that of the upper tail dependence, except in Japan and Singapore in the post-crisis period. Moreover, we show that time-varying copulas best capture the tail dependence and that taking the tail correlation into account leads to improved accuracy of VaR estimates. These findings have important implications for investors interested in Asia-Pacific markets for portfolio diversification, risk management, and international asset allocation. © 2013 Elsevier Inc.
- Kawai, Masahiro, and Peter A. Petri. "Asia's Role in the Global Economic Architecture." Contemporary Economic Policy 32, no. 1 (2014): 230-45.
http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1465-7287.2012.00331.x.
The global economic and financial landscape has been transformed over the past decade by the growing economic size and financial power of emerging economies. The new Group of Twenty summit process, which includes the largest emerging economies, has established high-level international policy cooperation in this new setting. This article argues that effective global economic governance will also require changes in key global organizations-such as the International Monetary Fund, World Bank, World Trade Organization, and the Financial Stability Board-and closer collaboration between global and regional organizations. We suggest that federalism be introduced on a global scale by creating hierarchies of global and regional organizations with overlapping ownership structures in various functional areas (as is already the case with the World Bank and regional development banks in the area of development finance). Asia could contribute to this transformation by building effective institutions to promote macroeconomic and financial stability and deepen regional trade and investment integration. Similar logic could be applied to a broader issue of providing international public goods, such as environmental and climate protection, communicable disease control, and disaster risk management. © 2014 Western Economic Association International.
- Roy, Anjali Gera. "Distribution and circulation of Indian films in Singapore."Inter-Asia Cultural Studies 14, no. 4 (2013): 635-643.
DOI: 10.1080/14649373.2013.831206
Despite the long history of the export and exhibition of Indian films in Southeast Asia, a systematic documentation of how Hindi and Tamil films from India found their way into the region has yet to be undertaken. Theatrical exhibition of Indian films is reported to have sharply declined or ended since the late 1970s in their traditional markets in Malaya, Ceylon, British East Africa, Burma, Persian Gulf Ports, Thailand and South Vietnam. Yet films continued to be circulated through formal and informal networks such as video parlours, CD shops, television and, lately, on the internet. Although Singapore has the unique distinction of being the only Southeast Asian country, which still has a few theatres exclusively dedicated to screening Indian films, theatrical exhibition is not the only medium through which they are circulated. Based on fieldwork conducted between 2008 and 2010, this paper contrasts the formal distribution of Indian films with their informal circulation through which they "leak" into the multi-ethnic spaces of the global city. Drawing on photographs, exhibits, interviews, reports and observations, the essay focuses on television, CD shops, lending libraries and the internet through which Indian films are disseminated in Singapore. © 2013 © 2013 Taylor & Francis.
- Kataoka, Mitsuhiko. "Capital Stock Estimates by Province and Interprovincial Distribution in Indonesia." Asian Economic Journal 27, no. 4 (2013): 409-428.
DOI: 10.1111/asej.12021
We use the perpetual inventory method to estimate gross fixed capital stock at the provincial level in Indonesia. We employ a relatively long series of past annual investments at constant prices for 1983-2007 and a province-specific survival function for capital. For this purpose, we use published data on provincial income accounts, input-output tables, and surveys from existing studies. Capital was found to be over-concentrated in the Java-Bali region and inefficiently distributed among provinces. This distribution contributed to national growth in the majority of the sample years. © 2013 East Asian Economic Association and Wiley Publishing Asia Pty Ltd.
- Baird, Ian G. "‘Indigenous Peoples’ and Land: Comparing Communal Land Titling and Its Implications in Cambodia and Laos." Asia Pacific Viewpoint 54, no. 3 (2013): 269-81.
DOI: 10.1111/apv.12034
In 2001 a new Land Law was adopted in Cambodia. It was significant because - for the first time - it recognised a new legal category of people, 'Indigenous Peoples' or chuncheat daoem pheak tech in Khmer, and it also introduced the legal concept of communal land rights to Cambodia. Indigenous Peoples are not mentioned in the 1993 constitution of Cambodia or any legislation pre-dating the 2001 Land Law. However, Cambodia's 2002 Forestry Law also followed the trend by recognising 'Indigenous Peoples'. These laws have been both symbolically and practically important, as they have provided government-mandated legitimacy to Indigenous identities and associated land and forest rights, including communal land rights, and have been ontologically significant in dividing Indigenous and non-Indigenous Peoples on legal grounds. Over a decade after the 2001 Land Law was promulgated, this article considers some aspects of its effects. In particular, when compared with the potential for developing communal land rights in Laos, one has to wonder how advantageous it is to adopt Indigenous identities and the types of communal land rights and community forestry rights presently possible in Cambodia. © 2013 Victoria University of Wellington and Wiley Publishing Asia Pty Ltd.
- Keating, Neal B. "Kuy Alterities: The Struggle to Conceptualise and Claim Indigenous Land Rights in Neoliberal Cambodia." Asia Pacific Viewpoint 54, no. 3 (2013): 309-22.
DOI: 10.1111/apv.12026
Based primarily on fieldwork with Kuy peoples in Rovieng District, Preah Vihear Province, this article examines contemporary Indigeneity in Cambodia as an emergent heterogeneous and polythetic identity vis-Ã -vis the changing nature of the state, and suggests that a more substantive political engagement with Indigenous identity and history offers a pluricultural reframing of the world heritage of Cambodia and a possible source of alternative land regimes that are more sustainable and equitable than the current dominant neoliberal model of land concessions. Although the 2001 Cambodian National Land Law holds critical significance for Indigenous Peoples in pursuit of communal land rights, it has largely failed to protect rights because of (i) persistent discrimination against groups now claiming Indigenous identities, embedded in state procedures of Indigenous identity and land registration; and (ii) the state's demonstrated embrace of land concession regimes as the preferred strategy of economic development. The Delcom mining concession of Kuy lands provides one example of the destructive impacts of this strategy. An examination of the evidence of Kuy peoples' history suggests that their classification as ethnic minorities is of recent origins, and that in the past they played more active roles in Cambodian state-building projects. © 2013 Victoria University of Wellington and Wiley Publishing Asia Pty Ltd.
- Milne, Sarah. "Under the Leopard's Skin: Land Commodification and the Dilemmas of Indigenous Communal Title in Upland Cambodia." Asia Pacific Viewpoint 54, no. 3 (2013): 323-39.DOI: 10.1111/apv.12027
Two opposing land tenure policies are being implemented in upland Cambodia: indigenous communal title, the product of a decade of advocacy for indigenous rights; and Order 01, a dramatic new initiative to provide private individual titles to thousands of farmers living on state public land. This policy conflict has precipitated painful deliberations in Indigenous villages, whereby the merits of inalienable communal title must be weighed against its risks and constraints; and individual titles must be scrutinised for their potential to accelerate alienation and render frontier areas 'legible' for government and markets. I examine these issues through the experiences of one village in Mondulkiri, which recently 'reconciled' its communal title claim with the new individually motivated reforms. The village exemplifies Cambodia's commodity frontier: it is of mixed Bunong-Khmer ethnicity, and has undergone rapid deforestation and market integration since 2005. Thus, when the individual titling commenced in 2012, the already-fragile communal land claim was abandoned by 25% of its constituents. I explore how this unfolded, revealing powerful moral and racial narratives around Bunong identity and the processes of land fragmentation, commodification and alienation. I also reveal how these processes are enabled by Cambodia's predatory regime, of which Order 01 is an intimate part. © 2013 Victoria University of Wellington and Wiley Publishing Asia Pty Ltd.
- Padwe, Jonathan. "Highlands of History: Indigenous Identity and Its Antecedents in Cambodia." Asia Pacific Viewpoint 54, no. 3 (2013): 282-95.
DOI: 10.1111/apv.12028
The notion that Cambodia's highland people may claim a distinct 'Indigenous' identity has emerged only recently in Cambodia. To date, advocacy for rights under the banner of indigeneity has produced few results for highlanders. Among the problems faced by advocates for Indigenous rights, problems of definition and translation represent an important challenge. Arguing that concepts like 'Indigeneity' are not simply adopted ex nihilo in new settings, but are rather incorporated into existing structures of meaning, this paper explores culturally produced understandings of who highlanders are, concentrating in particular on the way that the term 'Indigenous' has been translated into Khmer. The use of the Khmer word daeum, or 'original', to distinguish between Indigenous and other forms of ethnic belonging in the newly derived translation of 'Indigenous Peoples' points to historically sedimented beliefs about highlanders as living ancestors of modern Khmers. © 2013 Victoria University of Wellington and Wiley Publishing Asia Pty Ltd.
- Swift, Peter. "Changing Ethnic Identities among the Kuy in Cambodia: Assimilation, Reassertion and the Making of Indigenous Identity." Asia Pacific Viewpoint 54, no. 3 (2013): 296-308.
DOI: 10.1111/apv.12025
The Kuy are one of the largest Indigenous groups in Cambodia. Though they are extremely similar to the Khmer in terms of physical appearance and material culture, a significant distinction between the two groups continues to be maintained. At the same time, assimilation into the Khmer identity has been a dominant trend among the Kuy for a considerable time and appears to be related to the relatively lower status of the Kuy identity. However, over the past decade or more, some people have begun to reassert a Kuy identity, driven by awareness of benefits of identifying as Kuy and a lessening of the stigmatisation of the Kuy identity. Following the introduction in Cambodia of the concept of Indigenous Peoples, 'Indigenous' has become an ethnic identity that more and more Kuy are assuming and within which they are becoming prominent. It is associated with a broader Indigenous community inside and outside of Cambodia which is becoming increasingly respected. The Indigenous identity has been able to inspire pride and confidence in a way that the Kuy identity has not and has played an important role in letting people of Kuy ancestry 'become Kuy'. © 2013 Victoria University of Wellington and Wiley Publishing Asia Pty Ltd.
- Sidangoli, Marmelda, David Lloyd, and William E. Boyd. "Institutional Challenges to the Effectiveness of Management of Bunaken National Park, North Sulawesi, Indonesia." Asia Pacific Viewpoint 54, no. 3 (2013): 372-87.
DOI: 10.1111/apv.12031
Marine protected areas are recognised as an important marine management strategy to deal with a range of user conflicts and over-exploitation of marine resources. This article explores the experiences of establishing a marine protected area as part of Bunaken National Park in the north of Indonesia's Sulawesi Province. The challenges faced in relation to institutional issues are examined. A literature review, key informant interviews and analysis of official documentation provide evidence regarding issues around government conflicts and the legal and structural issues of the management advisory board. The analysis identifies key issues regarding the conflict between the government and the management board that are influencing the success of managing this National Park.
- Fforde, Adam. "Post-Cold War Vietnam: Stay Low, Learn, Adapt and Try to Have Fun – but What About the Party?†." Contemporary Politics 19, no. 4 (2013): 379-98.
http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13569775.2013.835111
The paper compares political ideas and acts in the Soviet Union under Gorbachev and in Communist Vietnam. It argues that the Gorbachev group, committed to progressive change, concluded that power granted to them by their position in the Soviet system needed to be eliminated, creating a ‘boot strap’ problem. To secure progressive change they had first to destroy their own power base. By contrast, the ruling Vietnamese Communist Party (VCP) attempted, in the two decades after the emergence of a market economy in 1989–1991, to rule an increasingly open society through Soviet political institutions. By the late ‘noughties’ Vietnam faced a crisis of domestic sovereignty, with politics largely a matter of spoils, with policy largely irrelevant and unimplementable, and usually blocked by powerful interests. The paper argues that Hinsley's notion of the sovereignty issue makes this situation far easier to analyse. It argues that the Gorbachev group's analysis would have led to them predicting that the VCP's attempt to use Soviet institutions to rule over a globalising and increasingly open society with a market economy would lead to a crisis of political authority, and that they would have been correct. This leads to the counter-intuitive position that the Communist Party of the Soviet Union was a success − in that it managed to solve a serious political problem, i.e. how to create the preconditions for a political system suited to a market economy in a relatively open society – and the VCP a failure.
- Kadar, KusriniS, Karen Francis, and Kenneth Sellick. "Ageing in Indonesia – Health Status and Challenges for the Future." Ageing International 38, no. 4 (2013): 261-70.
DOI: 10.1007/s12126-012-9159-y
Ageing and problems concerning the aged were until recently the domain of developed countries, but they are now becoming an increasing and alarming reality in developing and underdeveloped countries such as Indonesia. Families and even the nation are facing many challenges relating to support for the elderly. This is because in the past developing policies, and caring for, the elderly were not major priorities of Government as the elderly represented a small percentage of Indonesia’s population. One of the challenges impacting on the provision of care for the elderly is the lack of health service programs for the elderly who are living in their own homes. Health personnel shortages including community health nurses have been identified as a significant contributor to this health service problem. This paper will initially consider Indonesia’s geography as a nation comprising many islands. It will then discuss the impact of a changing population profile and present an overview and critique of the current level of health services provided to promote wellbeing for the elderly.
- Dang, Trung Dinh, Sango Mahanty, and Susan Mackay. "“LIVING WITH POLLUTION” Juggling Environmental and Social Risk in Vietnam's Craft Villages." Critical Asian Studies 45, no. 4 (2013): 643-669.
DOI: 10.1080/14672715.2013.851163
Vietnam's rural provinces are home to thousands of craft villages; communities engaged in small- and medium-scale manufacturing of a range of goods, from recycled paper products to processed food. Since the liberalization of the Vietnamese economy in 1986, craft villages have played a significant role in poverty reduction and livelihood diversification for rural households, and currently employ nearly one-third of Vietnam's rural labor force. However, the rapid expansion of craft manufacturing, combined with a lack of planning, has brought increased air, soil, and water pollution to craft villages and surrounding areas. Pollution levels are now so serious that they pose a major risk to local health and agriculture. This article examines why producers continue to expose themselves to environmental pollution and its associated health risks. Drawing on four case studies of craft villages in the Red River Delta region of northern Vietnam, the authors find that risk is a multidimensional phenomenon. Craft production typically involves a value chain of closely connected family economic units and takes place against a backdrop of fierce competition for market share both within Vietnam and elsewhere in Asia. In this context, the current policy of managing the environmental risks of pollution through regulation requires producers to take risks in other domains of equal or greater importance to them; their livelihoods and social relations. Craft producers make explicit trade-offs between the risks of ill health and the security that family and community ties provide in the face of uncertain production space, markets, and livelihoods. These findings highlight the importance of thinking beyond regulation toward more holistic approaches to understanding and working with environmental risk. © 2013 © 2013 BCAS.
- Neef, Andreas, Siphat Touch, and Jamaree Chiengthong. "The Politics and Ethics of Land Concessions in Rural Cambodia." Journal of Agricultural and Environmental Ethics: 1-19.
DOI: 10.1007/s10806-013-9446-y
In rural Cambodia the rampant allocation of state land to political elites and foreign investors in the form of "Economic Land Concessions (ELCs)"-estimated to cover an area equivalent to more than 50 % of the country's arable land-has been associated with encroachment on farmland, community forests and indigenous territories and has contributed to a rapid increase of rural landlessness. By contrast, less than 7,000 ha of land have been allotted to land-poor and landless farmers under the pilot project for "Social Land Concessions (SLCs)" supported by various donor agencies. Drawing on fieldwork conducted in two research sites in Kratie Province, this article sheds light on the mechanisms and discourses surrounding the allocation of ELCs and SLCs. Our findings suggest that large-scale and non-transparent land leases in the form of ELCs are discursively justified as land policy measures supporting national development, creating employment opportunities in rural areas, and restoring "degraded" and "non-use" land, while SLCs are presented by the government and its international donors as a complementary policy to reduce landlessness, alleviate rural poverty, and ensure a more equitable land distribution. We argue that the SLC pilot project is a deliberate strategy deployed by the Cambodian ruling elite to instrumentalize international aid agencies in formalizing displacement and distributional injustices, in smoothing the adverse social impacts of their very own land policies and in minimizing resistance by dispossessed rural people. © 2013 The Author(s).
- Nguyen, Nathalie Huynh Chau. "War and Diaspora: The Memories of South Vietnamese Soldiers." Journal of Intercultural Studies 34, no. 6 (2013).
DOI: 10.1080/07256868.2013.846895
War veterans of the former Republic of Vietnam Armed Forces (RVNAF) form a significant component of the Vietnamese refugee and migrant community overseas and yet their experiences remain under-researched and under-explored, with their histories having been largely silenced in the wider historiography of the war and erased within the Socialist Republic of Vietnam. This article draws on oral history interviews in order to reclaim some of these forgotten histories. In all, the post-war experiences of veterans who reconstructed new lives in Australia form a marked contrast with those of veterans who stayed in Vietnam. Oral history provides a rich source of personal testimony, and this article examines the veterans' formulation of their wartime memories and experiences, and identifies strategies developed by the veterans to deal with war, trauma, loss and migration. © 2013 Taylor & Francis.
- Charles J-H Macdonald. "The Filipino as Libertarian: Contemporary Implications of Anarchism." Philippine Studies: Historical and Ethnographic Viewpoints 61, no. 4 (2013): 413-436
DOI 10.1353/phs.2013.0025
Modern Philippine society presents a number of traits that have puzzled or fascinated social scientists: an apparent looseness of organization, institutional fuzziness, intense factionalism, moral values geared toward smooth interpersonal interaction, a weak sense of public good, and a bilateral kinship system. This article revisits these points and makes sense of them by using a model of society called “anarchic” or “open-aggregated.” This conceptual grid applies to other societies and cultures, but is particularly enlightening with respect to Filipino values, their institutional style, and preferred types of behavior. Particular attention is paid to kinship and politics, to pakikisama and utang na loob, and generally to an ethos of communitas and Gemeinshaft prevalent among Filipinos.
- Thomas Gibson. "The Hero Legend in Colonial Southeast Asia." Philippine Studies: Historical and Ethnographic Viewpoints 61, no. 4 (2013): 437-476.
DOI 10.1353/phs.2013.0018
Four legends that originated in the different religious and colonial contexts of the Tagalog and Makassar peoples are shown to conform to Edward Tylor’s classical “hero pattern.” Using structural anthropology and cognitive linguistics, this article argues that hero legends generated metaphors from concrete relationships in the domestic domain to conceptualize abstract relationships in a series of other domains. The hero pattern underwent transformations in tandem with changes in the political and economic institutions in which it was embedded. From its beginnings as a charter for rival city-states in the ancient Middle East, it became a charter for the universalistic world religions that arose within the empires that succeeded the city-states. In the Southeast Asian legends discussed here, it served as a charter for both collaboration with and resistance to colonial rule.
- Ngienthi, Wanida. "Offshoring Prompts High Quality Labour Markets." Pacific Economic Review 18, no. 5 (2013): 628-643.
DOI: 10.1111/1468-0106.12044
I consider offshoring in the low-technology and high-technology sectors in a host country. I build a model in which the occurrence of offshoring is determined by both the skill level of unskilled workers and the level of 'offshoring facilitators'. Offshoring factilitators are factors or activities that promote offshoring in the high-technology sector, such as technological advancement, economic integration, services liberalization and harmonization of rules and regulations. If the level of offshoring facilitators is low, a rise in the skill level can attract offshoring to the low-technology sector but not to the high-technology sector. A rise in the level of offshoring facilitators can attract offshoring to the high-technology sector. Because offshoring in the high-technology sector provides jobs to skilled workers, it also improves the quality of labour markets. I discuss services liberalization in ASEAN and examine a case study of Thailand as the host country in the global economy. © 2013 Wiley Publishing Asia Pty Ltd.
- Czymoniewicz-Klippel, Melina T. "Bad Boys, Big Trouble: Subcultural Formation and Resistance in a Cambodian Village." Youth & Society (2011).
DOI: 10.1177/0044118X11422545
- Yeo, Lay Hwee. "Can the EU be a serious security actor in Asia?." Asia Europe Journal (2013): 1-3.
Abstract
Following the US “pivot” to Asia, the European Union (EU) announced its own pivot to Asia in 2012 with stepped-up engagement. A flurry of high-level visits to Asia, and in particular, Southeast Asia, by the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy followed. The EU is looking for a much more comprehensive engagement of Asia, but at the same time, within Asia; there is always this nagging doubt as to whether the EU can be a serious security actor in Asia. This short brief surveys the constructive role that the EU can play in Asia and argues that the EU should stop fretting about whether it is seen as a serious security actor in Asia and instead focus on what it can do best and do its best in Asia.
- Menon, J. (2013), Narrowing the development divide in ASEAN: the role of policy. Asian-Pacific Economic Literature, 27: 25–51.
doi: 10.1111/apel.12025
Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) is divided. Most striking is the development divide that separates the newer members (the Cambodia, Lao People's Democratic Republic, Myanmar, and Vietnam countries) from the original ones (ASEAN-6). More rapid growth in the CLV since the 1990s, driven by trade, investment, and other market reforms, has reduced these income differences. While the development divide has narrowed, huge gaps remain. Further narrowing of these gaps will require an increase in the speed and the breadth of policy reforms. A gaping hole in the policy landscape in ASEAN is the failure to address labour mobility adequately. Ongoing demographic transitions will result in greater labour outflow. The current policy void on labour migration not only limits the benefits from trade and investment liberalisation but also increases the cost of structural adjustment. Although rapid growth has resulted in convergence between countries, it has increased polarisation within countries. This can threaten social cohesion, as well as the sustainability of future growth. In order to make growth more inclusive, there is a need to invest more in education and health and to institute land reform. Apart from directly reducing social and asset inequities, such policies will produce a workforce more able to participate in the growth process and adapt to structural change. © 2013 Crawford School of Public Policy, The Australian National University and Wiley Publishing Asia Pty Ltd.
- Noor, Noraini M., and Chan-Hoong Leong. "Multiculturalism in Malaysia and Singapore: Contesting models." International Journal of Intercultural Relations(2013).
DOI: 10.1016/j.ijintrel.2013.09.009
Malaysia and Singapore are good examples of multicultural societies albeit with different acculturation ideologies. Both countries comprise three main ethnic groups but in diametrically opposite proportion. In Malaysia, 50.4% of the population is Malay, 23.7% Chinese, 11% indigenous peoples, 7.1% Indian, and 7.8% other races. In Singapore, the ratio is 74.1% Chinese, 13.4% Malay, 9.2% Indian and 3.3% other races. Due to its colonial past, "ethnicity" has been the central policy issue in Malaysia and remains so up to this day. The dominance of communal politics can be understood in Stephan and Stephan's (2000) model of integrated threat theory. In Singapore, the city-state does not believe in affirmative action and it prefers to manage cultural identities on the basis of a multicultural ideology (Berry & Kalin, 1995; Berry, Kalin, & Taylor, 1977). In this article, multiculturalism is used to refer to public policies carried out by the two countries to manage their plural societies. We will discuss the development of the multicultural models that have evolved in the two countries. While Malaysia's model of multiculturalism is based on policies that have been instituted to manage inter-group tensions, prevent violence, and pursue social justice between the ethnic groups as a result of its past, Singapore's model is guided by pragmatic realism and market fundamentals associated with the needs of a global city. Both models will face challenges in the coming years as they each adapt to the seismic shifts in the geo-economic landscapes. © 2013 Elsevier Ltd.
- Balassiano, Katia, and Asha Rathina Pandi. "Civic Space and Political Mobilisation: Cases in Malaysia and Thailand." The Journal of Development Studies 49, no. 11 (2013): 1579-91.
DOI 10.1080/00220388.2013.828834
Civil society flourishes under conditions that include freedoms of speech and assembly. But what happens when those conditions are lacking? This article explores cases in Malaysia and Thailand where freedoms are limited, but where political unrest regularly challenges the state. Appropriated physical and virtual spaces where deliberative interactions may occur become key drivers in such environments. Our research reveals that while civil society exists in Malaysia and Thailand, without codified freedoms and physical spaces for deliberative interactions, civil society flourishes during tumultuous times but flounders after its immediate goals are achieved.
- Abbott, Jason. "Introduction: Assessing the Social and Political Impact of the Internet and New Social Media in Asia." Journal of Contemporary Asia 43, no. 4 (2013): 579-90.
doi:10.1080/00472336.2013.785698
This paper introduces a special issue on the social and political impact of new information communications technologies (ICTs) in Asia, with specific attention paid to new social media. This paper provides some contextualisation of the broader questions that the principal literature on the subject raises, namely questions about the effectiveness of ICTs as tools for mobilisation and information exchange; mechanisms of censorship and control; and the nature of public discourse on the Internet. In doing so, the paper introduces and locates the articles that comprise this special issue within these debates.
- Hamayotsu, Kikue. "The Limits of Civil Society in Democratic Indonesia: Media Freedom and Religious Intolerance." Journal of Contemporary Asia 43, no. 4 (2013): 658-77. doi:10.1080/00472336.2013.780471
Indonesian democracy has been challenged by rising religious intolerance and discriminatory attitudes in civil society since the mid-2000s, despite expanded freedom in many areas including the media. Why has Indonesian civil society been put on the defensive by radical and conservative Islamic elements in the context of democratic consolidation? What role has expanded freedoms and a flourishing of new media and information technologies played? This article argues that two factors have contributed to the rising influence of religious hardliners/radicals and increasing religious intolerance. The first is hardliner access not only to new media but, more importantly, to traditional means and institutions for religious and political mobilisation, including state apparatus, to cultivate antagonistic sentiments and attitudes against what they consider the enemies of Islam within the Muslim communities while disseminating narrow and dogmatic interpretations of Islam. The other is the rise of conservative Muslim politicians within the state who are ready and eager to embrace new media and communication technologies while using the state office and prerogatives to advance conservative religious visions and agendas. In order to assess how those conservative politicians exploit their ministerial prerogatives and state patronage to curtail civil society, particularly the freedom of expression and religion, this article examines two prominent and controversial Muslim politicians: Tifatul Sembiring from the Islamist Prosperous Justice Party and Suryadharma Ali from the United Development Party.
- Lim, Merlyna. "Many Clicks but Little Sticks: Social Media Activism in Indonesia." Journal of Contemporary Asia 43, no. 4 (2013): 636-57.
doi:10.1080/00472336.2013.769386
Drawing on empirical cases from Indonesia, this article offers a critical approach to the promise of social media activism by analysing the complexity and dynamics of the relationship between social media and its users. Rather than viewing social media activism as the harbinger of social change or dismissing it as mere “slacktivism,” the article provides a more nuanced argument by identifying the conditions under which participation in social media might lead to successful political activism. In social media, networks are vast, content is overly abundant, attention spans are short, and conversations are parsed into diminutive sentences. For social media activism to be translated into populist political activism, it needs to embrace the principles of the contemporary culture of consumption: light package, headline appetite and trailer vision. Social media activism is more likely to successfully mobilise mass support when its narratives are simple, associated with low risk actions and congruent with dominant meta-narratives, such as nationalism and religiosity. Success is less likely when the narrative is contested by dominant competing narratives generated in mainstream media.
- Tapsell, Ross. "The Media Freedom Movement in Malaysia and the Electoral Authoritarian Regime." Journal of Contemporary Asia 43, no. 4 (2013): 613-35.
doi:10.1080/00472336.2013.765138,
This article will provide an outline of the Malaysian media freedom movement from reformasi in 1998 until today. Research for this article includes testimony from those journalists and activists who attempted to implement reform in the media industry, including detailing reported instances of direct editorial intervention. This article explains that the advent of new media technologies has pushed journalism in new directions in Malaysia, but rather than accept these changes as part of a media liberalisation process, the government has retaliated through constraints and controls over the media and its practitioners. Seen through the prism of media liberalisation, this article adds to the body of scholarly work which examines Malaysia’s electoral authoritarian regime.
- Weiss, Meredith L. "Parsing the Power of “New Media” in Malaysia." Journal of Contemporary Asia 43, no. 4 (2013): 591-612.
doi:10.1080/00472336.2012.759332,
While “new media” have substantially altered the landscape for information dissemination and social mobilisation, these media are neither all alike in their ideological leanings or intentions, nor independently capable of identity transformation and mobilisation. The paper explores these new media in the context of Malaysia since the late 1990s. It differentiates among news sites and organisational websites, which transmit (often previously proscribed) information to domestic and foreign audiences, with potentially significant effects on “civicness” and mobilisation; blogs, which tend to be primarily personalised, monological and often unfiltered; and social networking sites such as Facebook and Twitter, which have eroded the anonymity of online interaction but represent the apex of self-selected communities. “Old media” still populate this landscape as well, from newspapers and other media sources, to public lectures, to leaflets and other ad hoc publications. Even apart from common caveats as to who has access, criteria for evaluation of these new and old media as tools for political change must vary, including differing degrees of information-provision and edification, interest articulation and aggregation, and transformation of collective identities so as to enable new patterns of mobilisation for collective action.
- Imai, K. S., Gaiha, R., Thapa, G. and Annim, S. K. (2013), Financial crisis in asia: Its genesis, severity and impact on poverty and hunger. J. Int. Dev., 25: 1105–1116.
doi: 10.1002/jid.2972
Building on the recent literature on finance, growth and hunger, we have examined the experience of Asian countries over the period 1960-2010 by dynamic and static panel data models. We have found evidence favouring a positive role of finance-defined as private credit by banks-on growth of GDP and agricultural value added. Private credit as well as loans from the World Bank significantly reduces undernourishment, whereas remittances and loans from microfinance institutions appear to have a negative impact on poverty. Our empirical evidence shows that growth performance was significantly lower during the recent global financial crisis than non-crisis periods, although the severity is much smaller during the recent financial crisis than Asian financial crisis. © 2013 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
- Lê, Gillian. "Trading Legitimacy: Everyday Corruption and Its Consequences for Medical Regulation in Southern Vietnam." Medical anthropology quarterly 27, no. 3 (2013): 453-470.
DOI: 10.1111/maq.12052
Government regulation of health professionals is believed to ensure the efficacy and expertise of practitioners for and on behalf of patients. Certification and licensing are two common means to do so, legalizing a physician to practice medicine. However, ethnography from Ho Chi Minh City (HCMC) suggests that in corrupt socioeconomic environments, certification and licensing can alternatively produce a trade in legitimacy. Drawing on participant observations during 15 months of fieldwork with 25 medical acupuncturists in private practice in HCMC, southern Vietnam, and their patients, I argue that everyday practices of corruption and the importance of personal networks meant that legality, efficacy, and expertise separated. Certificates and licenses did not unproblematically validate expertise and efficacy. Consequently, compliance and enforcement of regulations as solutions to inadequate medical care may not achieve the effects intended. © 2013 by the American Anthropological Association.
- Giesecke, James A., Nhi Hoang Tran, Erwin L. Corong, and Steven Jaffee. "Rice Land Designation Policy in Vietnam and the Implications of Policy Reform for Food Security and Economic Welfare." The Journal of Development Studies 49, no. 9 (2013): 1202-18.
Abstract
With the aim of promoting national food security, the Vietnamese government enforces the designation of around 35 per cent of agricultural land strictly for paddy rice cultivation. We investigate the economic effects of adjusting this policy, using an economy-wide model of Vietnam with detailed modelling of region-specific land use, agricultural activity, poverty and food security measures. Our results show that the removal of the rice land designation policy increases real private consumption by an average of 0.35 per cent per annum over 2011-2030, while also reducing poverty, improving food security and contributing to more nutritionally balanced diets among Vietnamese households. © 2013 Copyright Taylor and Francis Group, LLC.
- Teo, Youyenn. "Support for Deserving Families: Inventing the Anti-welfare Familialist State in Singapore." Social Politics: International Studies in Gender, State & Society (2013).
DOI: 10.1093/sp/jxt004
The (ideological) aversion many states in Asia have toward universal welfare has led to the development of various solutions that depend on the valorization of the familial. This tends toward limiting state expenditure on public goods. The unevenness and inequalities produced and reproduced by the state's reliance on particular family forms—with its specific connotations around class, ethnicity, gender, and sexuality—also result in particular hierarchies and principles of division within the society. This paper challenges the assumption embedded in much current scholarship that it is “culture” that determines what states can and cannot do in the realm of public provisions. Instead, it interrogates how states produce and reproduce particular visions of the family through their approach toward welfare, and how this more broadly shapes and reproduces social inequalities in state–society relations.
- Guáqueta, Alexandra. "Harnessing corporations: lessons from the voluntary principles on security and human rights in Colombia and Indonesia." Journal of Asian Public Policy 6, no. 2 (2013): 129-146.
DOI: 10.1080/17516234.2013.814306
New market forms embedded in certain liberal democratic norms, such as participation, transparency, accountability and human rights, are being promoted by a new generation of corporate conduct standards. These address a specific set of business practices and lock corporations into multi-stakeholder processes that contributes to socialize them, transforming their management systems and, at times, even their culture. This paper suggests that companies who follow these standards subsequently act as democratizing agents and global 'co-governors' because, among others, they begin to proactively hold governments, security forces and other stakeholders accountable. While certain market forces have undermined social justice and democracies, new market forms might be helping to disseminate norms that are key elements of democracy. The cases used to illustrate how companies become 'democratizing agents' of sorts are the implementation of the Voluntary Principles on Security and Human Rights (the VPs) in Colombia and Indonesia. The VPs are a multi-stakeholder initiative launched in 2000 involving major oil, gas and mining multinationals, governments and NGOs to guide the relationship between extractives and the public and private security providers that protect them from attacks, theft and extortion in weak governance and conflict zones. The analysis draws from extensive practical experience on the ground, and liberal and constructivist approaches on norms diffusion in International Relations and Political Science. © 2013 Copyright Taylor & Francis.
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